BELAJAR SEJARAH

Nationalist Movements

2008-07-08T05:36:00.001-07:00

Nationalist Movements

When all these regional wars of independence failed, Indonesian nationalists began thinking of a more-organized struggle against Dutch colonialism. The move began with the founding of Boedi Oetomo, literally meaning "noble conduct," on May 20, 1908. This organization of Indonesian intellectuals was initially set up for educational purposes but later turned into politics. It was inspired by Japan's victory over Russia in 1901, which also gave impetus to nationalist movements in many parts of Indonesia. The founder of Boedi Oetomo was Dr. Soetomo who was, at the time, a student of STOVIA, an institution to train Indonesian medi-cal officers. Dr. Soetomo was greatly influenced by Dr. Wahidin Soedirohoesodo and sup-ported by Gunawan and Suradji.
In 1912 Sarekat Dagang Islam, the Association of Moslem Merchants, was formed by Haji Samanhudi and others.
Its objective was at first to stimulate and promote the interest of Indonesian business in the Dutch East Indies. However, in 1912 this organization of middle class businessmen turned into a political party and was renamed Sarekat Islam under the leadership of H.O.S. Tjokroaminoto, Haji Agoes Salim and others. In 1912 a progressive Moslem organization, Muhammadiyah, was established by K.H. Akhmad Dahlan in Yogyakarta for the purpose of social and economic reforms.
In December of the same year Partai Indonesia was founded by Douwes Dekker, later named Setiabudi, with Dr. Tjipto Mangunkusumo and Ki Hajar Dewantoro. The objective of the party was to strive for complete independence of Indonesia. All three leaders of the party were exiled by the colonial government in 1913.
In 1914 communism was introduced in the East Indies by three Dutch nationals-Sneevliet, Baars and Brandsteder. In May 1920 Sarikat Islam split into a right and a left wing, the latter was to become the Partai Komunis Indonesia (PKI, the Indonesian Communist Party) under the leadership of Semaun, Darsono, Alimin, Muso and others.

* The Powerless People's Council or Volksraad
In 1916 Sarikat Islam held its first convention in Bandung and resolved the demand for self-government for Indonesia in cooperation with the Dutch. When Sarikat Islam demanded a share in the legislative power in the colony, the Dutch responded by setting up the Volksraad in 1918 which was virtually a powerless people's council with an advisory status.
Indonesian representatives on the council were indirectly elected through regional councils, but some of the other members were appointed colonial officials.
The Volksraad later developed into a semi-legislative assembly. Among the members of this body were prominent nationalist leaders like Dr. Tjipto Mangunkusumo, H.O.S. Tjokroaminoto, Abdul Muis, Dr. G.S.S.J. Ratulangi, M.H. Thamrin, Wiwoho, Sutardjo Kartohadikusumo, Dr. Radjiman, and Soekardjo Wiryopranoto.
Under the pressure of the social unrest in the Netherlands at the end of World War I, the Dutch promised to grant self-government to Indonesians. This was known as the "November promise." It was a promise that was never met.
Besides the Volksraad, there was another body called Raad van Indie, "the Council of the Indies," whose the members were appointed by the Government Achmad Djajadiningrat and Sujono were among the very few Indonesian members of this council.
In 1923 deteriorating economic conditions and increasing labor strikes prompted the colonial government to put severe restrictions on Indonesian civil liberties and make amendments to the colonial laws and penal codes. Freedom of assembly, speech and expression in writing was restricted.
* Further Growth of Indonesian Organizations
Despite the political restrictions, on July 3, 1922 Ki Hajar Dewantoro founded Taman Siswa, an organization to promote national education. In 1924 the Indonesian Students Association, "Perhimpunan Mahasiswa Indonesia," was formed by Drs. Mohammad Hatta, Dr. Sukiman and others. This organization became a driving force of the nationalist movement to gain independence. The Indonesian Communist Party (PKI) staged revolts against the colonial government in November 1926 in West Java, and in January 1927 in West Sumatra. After their suppression the Government exiled many non-communist nationalist leaders to Tanah Merah, which the Dutch called "Boven Digul" in Irian Jaya. Dr. Tjipto Mangunkusumo was exiled to Bandaneira.
In February 1927 Mohammad Hatta, Achmad Soebardjo and other members of Indonesia's Movements attended the first international convention of the "League Against Imperialism and Colonial Oppression" in Brussels, together with Jawaharlal Nehru and many other prominent nationalist leaders from Asia and Africa. In July 1927, Soekarno, Sartono and others formed the Indonesian Nationalist Party (PNI), which adopted Bahasa Indonesia as the official language. This party adopted a militant policy of non-cooperation with the Government as the result of a fundamental conflict of interest between Indonesian nationalism and Dutch colonialism. In the same year, an all-Indonesia nationalist movement was organized by Indonesian youth to replace earlier organizations, which had been based on regionalism, such as "Young Java," "Young Sumatra" and "Young Ambon."
On October 28, 1929, delegates to the second Indonesian Youth Congress in Jakarta pledged allegiance to "one country, one nation and one language, Indonesia." Concerned about the growing national awareness of freedom, the colonial authorities arrested the PNI leader, Soekarno, in December 1929. This touched off widespread protests by Indonesians. In 1930 the world was in the grip of an economic and monetary crisis. The severe impact of the crisis was felt in the Indies, a raw material producing country.
The colonial government responded with a strict balanced budget policy that aggravated economic and social conditions. Two other leaders of the PNI, Gatot Mangkupradja and Maskun Supriadinata, were arrested and tried in court on charges of plotting against the Government. Soekarno was released in September 1931 but exiled again in August 1933. He remained in Dutch custody until the Japanese invasion in 1942.
In January 1931, Dr. Soetomo founded Persatuan Bangsa Indonesia, the Indonesian Unity Party. Its objective was to improve the social status of the Indonesian people. In April of the same year, PNI was abandoned. A new party was formed by Sartono, LLM and named Partai Indonesia, the Indonesian Party. Its basis was nationalism, its line was independence. Also in 1931, Sutan Syahrir formed Pendidikan Nasional Indonesia. Known as the new PNI, it envisaged national education. Mohammad Hatta joined this organization. In 1933 a mutiny broke out on the Dutch warship "De Zeven Provincien" for which Indonesian nationalists were held responsible. The following year Sutan Syahrir and Mohammad Hatta and other nationalist leaders were arrested and banished until 1942. In 1935, Soetomo merged Persatuan Bangsa Indonesia and Boedi Oetomo to form Partai Indonesia Raya (Parindra). Its fundamental goal was the independence of Great Indonesia. In July 1936, Sutardjo submitted to the "Volksraad" a petition calling for greater autonomy for Indonesia. This petition was flatly rejected by the Dutch-dominated Council. In 1937 Dr. A.K. Gani started the Indonesian People's Movement, Gerakan Rakyat Indonesia, which was based on the principles of nationalism, social independence and self-reliance. In 1939 the All Indonesian Political Federation, GAPI, called for the establishment of a full-fledged Indonesian parliament. This demand was rejected by the Government in Holland in 1940.
GAPI also demanded an Indonesian military service for the purpose of defending the country in times of war. Again, this was turned down, notwithstanding the impending outbreak of World War II. At the time, there were widespread movements for fundamental and progressive reforms in the colonies and dependencies in Asia.

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The Japanese Occupation

After their attack on Pearl Harbor in Hawaii, the Japanese forces moved southwards to conquer several Southeast Asian countries. After Singapore had fallen, they invaded the Dutch East Indies and the colonial army surrendered in March 1942.
Soekarno and Hatta were released from their detention. The Japanese began their propaganda campaign for what they called "Great East Asia Coprosperity". But Indonesians soon realized that it was a camouflage for Japanese imperialism in place of Dutch colonialism.
To further the cause of Indonesia's independence, Soekarno and Hatta appeared to cooperate with the Japanese authorities. In reality, however, Indonesian nationalist leaders went underground and masterminded insurrections in Blitar (East Java), Tasikmalaya and Indramayu (West Java), and in Sumatra and Kalimantan.
Under the pressure of the 4th Pacific war, where their supply lines were interrupted, and the increasing of Indonesian insurrections, the Japanese ultimately gave in to allow the red-and-white flag to fly as the Indonesian national flag. Recognition of "Indonesia Raya" as the national anthem and Bahasa Indonesia as the national language followed. Hence, the youth's pledge of 1928 was fulfilled.
After persistent demands, the Japanese finally agreed to place the civil administration of the country into Indonesian hands. This was a golden opportunity for nationalist leaders to prepare for the proclamation of Indonesia's independence.

History of West Papua

2008-07-08T05:31:00.000-07:00

Migration movements to the Indonesian archipelago took place CIRCA 3,000. Of Mongloid origin, it is believed that these migrants introduced new Stone, Bronze and Iron Age cultures as well as the Austronesian language.

Indonesia came under the influence of Indian civilization through the gradual influx of Indian traders during the first century A.D. when great Hindu and Buddhist empires were beginning to emerge. By the seventh century, the powerful Buddhist Kingdom of Sriwijaya was expanding and it is thought that during this period the spectacular Borobudur Buddhist sanctuary was built in Central Java.

During the seventh century, the powerful Buddhist and Hindu empires challenged each other for supremacy in Indonesia: the Buddhist Srivijaya were centered in Sumatra, while the Hindu Mataram located their capital on Java. The rich architectural and cultural legacy that remains from that time forms the basis for Indonesia's national identity. In the thirteenth century, the Hindu Majapahit of Java faced a strong challenge from Muslim forces, which spread south from the Malay peninsula. Slowly losing ground, the Hindus retreated to Bali, where they remain today. The rest of the islands with the exception of Irian Jaya became Muslim, and various sultanates were established.

The 13th century saw the rise of the fabulous Majapahit Hindu empire in East Java, which united the whole of what is now modern day Indonesia (although it did not extend that control over the vast island of New Guinea/West Papua. Indeed, Its control was limited to some of the outer islands and coastal areas.)and parts of the Malay peninsula ruling for two centuries.

First recorded attempts to invade Indonesia were by the notorious Mongol Emperor Kublai Khan who was driven back in 1293. Arab traders and merchants laid the foundations for the gradual spread of Islam to the region which did not replace Hinduism and Buddhism as the dominant religions until the end of the 16th century. Small Moslem kingdoms developed and grew but none anticipated the strength and persistence of European invasions which followed.

In 1292, Marco Polo became one of the first recorded Europeans to set foot on the islands, but it wasn't until much later that the Portuguese arrived in pursuit of spices. In 1509, Portuguese trading posts were established in the strategic commercial center of Malacca on the Malay peninsula and it was from here that they began to control trade routes. The Dutch followed at the turn of the 16th century and succeeded in ousting the Portuguese to easternmost islands where some ports were controlled by another major European power, Spain. The Dutch expanded their control of the entire area into the 17th and 18th centuries and retained it for the most part until the outbreak of World War II in 1939.

The Dutch East Indies, as it was known at this time, fell under British rule for a short period during the Napoleons Wars of 1811-1816, when Holland was occupied by France and Dutch power overseas was limited. While under British control the Lt. Governor for Java and its dependencies was Sir Thomas Stamford Raffles, who was known for his liberal attitude towards the people under colonial rule and his research on the history of Java. With the return of the Dutch a relative calm was interrupted by long and bloody wars launched by the local people against the Dutch colonial government. This revolt was led by Javanese Prince Diponegoro in 1825. It was from this that the the independence movements of the 20th century, became stronger and more purposeful.

The surrender of the Japanese in 1945 signaled the end of the Second World War in Asia and also the start of independence. In the wake of global perceptions of freedom Indonesia proclaimed its independence on August 17 of that same year. Under the auspices of the United Nations at the Hague an agreement was finally reached on December 9, 1949. It was from this time that Indonesia's sovereignty was officially recognized.
Papuan History

It is not known for sure where the Irianese originated. There are two basic ethnicities native to Irian - the negroid peoples and those of Melanesian stock. It is thought that the Negritos settled on the island first, probably some 30,000 years ago, followed by those of Melanesian stock. One theory is that the bulk of Irianese came from East Africa and were pushed interior by successive migrations. Irian Jaya first finds its way (in any significant manner ) into Western History books in 1545 when the Spaniard Ynigo Ortiz de Retes stumbled upon it. Prior to his sighting, Irian was already known to various Indonesian Empires. Indeed, the Majapahit empire and the Tidore empire) raided the West Coast - What is now called Biak and the Birds head - for slaves. However, those people were not above slave trading themselves and in turn often raided westwards into East Timor and as far as Java.

In 1883 the island of New Guinea was partitioned by three Western powers, the Dutch claiming the western half, while the Germans and British divided the eastern half into German New Guinea in the north and British Papua in the south. When he Republic of Indonesia was created in 1949 the Netherlands granted independence to the colonised peoples of the former Dutch East Indies. West New Guinea however, due to its distinct Melanesian population and cultural characteristics, was retained as a colony by the Dutch and during the 1950s the Dutch government prepared the territory for independence. President Sukarno meanwhile consistently maintained Indonesia's claim to all former territory of the Dutch, and when his demands were not met armed conflict ensued from 1962.

Under pressure from the United States to come to terms with Indonesia, the Dutch agreed to secret negotiations. In August 1962 an agreement was concluded in New York between the Netherlands and Indonesia, under which the Dutch were to leave West New Guinea and transfer sovereignty to UNTEA (the United Nations Temporary Executive Authority), for a period of six years until a national vote was to be conducted to determine Papuan preference for independence, or integration with Indonesia. Almost immediately however, Indonesia took over the administration from UNTEA. A referendum was held in 1969, and the UN sanctioned a vote by 1025 handpicked electors, who allegedly chose to "remain with Indonesia".

The UN Representative sent to observe the election process produced a report which outlined various and serious violations of the New York Agreement. In spite of the "duly noted" report and in spite also of testimonials from the press, the opposition of fifteen countries and the cries of help and justice from the Papuans themselves, West Irian was handed over to Indonesia in November 1969. The inhabitants of Papua New Guinea, across the border, achieved full independence in 1975.

For more information and datesvisit here
Today...and tomorrow

Irian had for many years produced significant amounts of oil for Anglo/Dutch firm Shell amongst others. However it was not until 1967 that the massive reserve of copper at Mt Carstenz was first exploited by the Freeport McMoRan company of Louisiana, which had been granted mining rights by General Soeharto shortly after coming to office. The huge Freeport mine holds copper and gold reserves worth at least US $40 billion. Yet with political control and a twenty per cent share held in Jakarta, and USA-based Freeport and the giant RTZ company of the UK owning the dominant eighty per cent share in the mine, very little of the mineral revenue returns to West Papua and only a small proportion directly benefits the native Papuans.

There appears to be little planning given to long term sustainable economic development, with a rapid increase more recently in new mining and logging projects. Of the 41.5 million hectares of forest in Irian Jaya, over 27.6 million hectares have been designated as production forest. Indonesian law enables the Government to act virtually as it pleases with respect to the resource rights of the West Papuan tribal people. Transmigration, comrnercial logging, mining and other government-sponsored programs are considered to be in the interests of the nation, and take priority over any local land claims.

The forcible removal from traditional lands, coupled with the inherent differences between traditional and industrial culture, often causes indigenous communities to react with open hostility. "Enclave" type developments in the timber, mineral and oil sector, provide the Indonesian Government with the bulk of its foreign exchange earnings in eastern Indonesia. There is a close association of military personnel with such projects.

The population of West Papua is estimated at approximately 1,800,000. There is estimated to be 770,000 migrants now living in the province, mainly landless Javanese, sponsored and unsponsored, encouraged to move to West Papua under the government's Transmigration program. Under this national program of population resettlement, the province of West Papua is now the largest recipient of migrants transported from other islands such as Java, Bali and Sulawesi. The most extensive migration program in history, the Indonesian government's Trans-migration program has contributed to West Papua having one of the country's highest provincial population growth rates. There is also considerably greater pressure on the natural environment due to land clearance, legal and illegal, poaching and encroachment by settlers into nature reserves. West Papua's population was 85 per cent Christian before the annexation. This number has declined in the past few years.

The province has the poorest health standards of all twenty seven Indonesian provinces, including the highest infant mortality and maternal mortality rates. The average yearly provincial health department budget is only AUD $1.3 million. According to a 1995 United Nations index, of all the ASEAN countries Indonesia has the lowest quality of life, yet the statistics for Irian Jaya are by far the lowest in the country. This index includes longevity, measured by life expectancy, knowledge, measured by years of schooling, and standard of living, measured by purchasing power.

The people of West Papua are composed of various language groups, such as the Dani of the Baliem Valley in the central highlands, the Asmat of the southern, coastal region and the Ekari of the Wissel Lakes region. There are at least 250 main languages spoken by the indigenous people, reflecting the isolation and small numbers of many of the tribes. However, the long term policy of the Indonesian government is the universal use of Bahasa Indonesia, the national language of Indonesia. This is taught in West Papua's schools from grade one onwards, whereas in other provinces of Indonesia the first three years of instruction at primary level are given in the local vernacular. The percentage of illiteracy for West Papua is nearly double the national average and quoted as 30.5 with a rate of 81.5 in the highlands district.

The destruction of West Papua's culture and environment is taking place with the full knowledge of the governments of the Western nations, protecting the business interests of numerous large multi-national corporations active in West Papua. Throughout the period of Indonesian government rule, President Soeharto and his associates have exploited the resources of West Papua in the worst tradition of military-based, authoritarian governments, and have sought to keep the issue hidden from the outside world. With a highly controlled Indonesian press and restrictions on movement within the province, geographical remoteness and difficulties of access have combined to make West Papua the silent genocide of modern times.
Claims to fame

Irian possesses the worlds deepest natural harbour (Humboldt Harbour, Jayapura), has the only permanent Glacier of any tropical Island (and permanent glaciers are not exactly common anywhere in the tropics), (and including New Guinea) the largest single tract of rainforest in the world (excluding the obvious Amazon) and 1/4 of the worlds known languages (800) as well as numerous dialects. Also famous are the Asmat art, the various cannibalistic practices (still carried on in some parts) and the existence of unusual flora and fauna. One interesting geographical landmark is Lake Sentani which though freshwater, was once salt water-with the result that one used to be able to catch freshwater sword fish and sharks etc there. General Douglas McArthur also used Sentani (On the coast of Irian) as a HQ during his Island hopping campaign of WW2. It is also the second biggest Island in the world.

Information was taken from a number of sources. Please see the Bibliography (recommended reading) link from the main site for the full list. Much of the historical information on Indonesia was taken from a now defunct website. The Papuan history was taken from the book Koreri (Freerk Kamma, Koreri - Messianic movements in the Biak - Numfor Culture Area ,

Indonesia until the 18th century

2008-07-08T05:27:00.000-07:00

A number of Hindu and Buddhist states flourished and declined across Indonesia. By the time of the European Renaissance, the two largest islands in what is now Indonesia, Java and Sumatra had already seen over a millennium of civilization and two major empires.

The political history of Indonesia during the fourteenth and fifteen centuries is not well known due to scarcity of evidence. Two major states dominated this period; Majapahit in East Java, the greatest of the pre-Islamic Indonesian states, and Malacca on the west coast of the Malay Peninsula, arguably the greatest of the Muslim trading empires.

Kingdom of Mataram

· Main article: Kingdom of Mataram

Mataram was an Indianized kingdom based in Central Java (the area surrounding modern-day Yogyakarta) between the 8th and 10th centuries. The centre of the kingdom was moved from Central Java to East Java by Mpu Sindok. The move may have been caused by an eruption of the volcano Mount Merapi, or a power struggle.

The first king of Mataram was Sanjaya, who drove the Sailendras from Java and left inscriptions in stone. The monumental Hindu temple of Prambanan in the vicinity of Yogyakarta was built by Daksa. Dharmawangsa ordered the translation of the Mahabharata into Old Javanese in 996.

The kingdom collapsed into chaos at the end of Dharmawangsa's reign under military pressure from Srivijaya. Airlangga, a son of Udayana of Bali and a relative of Dharmawangsa re-established the kingdom (including Bali) under the name of Kahuripan.

Srivijaya Empire

· Main article: Srivijaya

Srivijaya (-sri meaning glitters or radiant, -jaya meaning success or excellence) was an ancient Malay kingdom on the island of Sumatra which influenced much of the Malay Archipelago. Records of its beginning are scarce, and estimates are from the 200s to the 500s. It ceased to exist around the year 1400.

Around 500 the roots of Srivijaya developed around present-day Palembang, and around the year 600 Chinese records mention two kingdoms on Sumatra based at Jambi and Palembang, as well as three kingdoms on Java.

Srivijaya was centered in the coastal trading center of present day Palembang. The empire was a thalassocracy and did not extend its influence far beyond the coastal areas of the islands of Southeast Asia. Srivijaya was organised in three main zones — the estuarine capital region centred on Palembang, the Musi River basin which served as hinterland, and rival esturarine zones capable of formng rival power centres. The capital zone was administered directly by the ruler. The hinterland zone remained under its own local datus or chiefs who were organized into a network of allegiance to the maharaja. Force was the dominant element in the empire's relations with rival river systems such as the Batang Hari river basin centred on Jambi. The ruling lineage intermarried with and allied with the Sailendras of Central Java.

Although historical records and archaeological evidence are scarce, it appears that by the seventh century, Srivijaya established suzerainty over large areas of Sumatra, western Java, and much of the Malay Peninsula. Dominating the Malacca and Sunda straits, Srivijaya controlled both the Spice Route traffic and local trade, charging a toll on passing ships, and remained a formidable sea power until the thirteenth century. This spread the Malay culture throughout Sumatra, the Malay Peninsula, and western Borneo.

A stronghold of Vajrayana Buddhism, Srivijaya attracted pilgrims and scholars from other parts of Asia. These included the Chinese monk Yijing, who made several lengthy visits to Sumatra on his way to study at Nalanda in India in 671 and 695, and the eleventh-century Buddhist scholar Atisha, who played a major role in the development of Vajrayana Buddhism in Tibet. Travellers to these islands mentioned that gold coinage was in use on the coasts, but not inland.

In 1068, Rajendra Chola, the Chola king of Tamil Nadu, conquered Kedah from Srivijaya. The Cholas continued a series of raids and conquests throughout what is now Indonesia and Malaysia for the next 20 years. Although the Chola invasion was ultimately unsuccessful, it gravely weakened the Srivijayan hegemony and enabled the formation of regional kingdoms based, like Kediri, on intensive agriculture rather than coastal and long distance trade.

Srivijaya influence waned by the 11th century. The island was in frequent conflict with the Javanese kingdoms, first Singhasari and then Majapahit. Islam eventually made its way to the Aceh region of Sumatra, spreading its influence through contacts with Arabs and Indian traders. By the late 13th century, the kingdom of Pasai (in northern Sumatra) converted to Islam. At the same time Srivijaya was briefly a tributary of the Khmer empire and later the Sukhothai kingdom. The last inscription dates to 1374, in a crown prince, Ananggavarman, is mentioned.

By 1414 Parameswara, the last prince of Srivijaya converted to Islam, and founded the Sultanate of Malacca on the Malay peninsula.

Singhasari and the Majapahit Empire

· Main article: Singhasari
· Main article: Majapahit Empire

Two empires would originate in Eastern Java, and would drive Srivijaya and assume its territory: the Singhasari and the Majapahit. Singhasari was a kingdom located in east Java between 1222 and 1292. The Majapahit Empire would emerge later, and ruled much of the southern Malay Peninsula, Borneo, Sumatra, and Bali from about 1293 to around 1500.

The founder of the Majapahit Empire, Kertarajasa, was the son-in-law of the ruler of the Singhasari kingdom, also based in Java. After Singhasari drove Srivijaya out of Java altogether in 1290, the rising power of Singhasari came to the attention of Kublai Khan in China and he sent emissaries demanding tribute. Kertanagara, ruler of the Singhasari kingdom, refused to pay tribute and the Khan sent a punitive expedition which arrived off the coast of Java in 1293. By that time, a rebel from Kediri, Jayakatwang, had killed Kertanagara. The Majapahit founder allied himself with the Mongols against Jayakatwang and, once the Singhasari kingdom was destroyed, turned and forced his Mongol allies to withdraw in confusion.

Gajah Mada, an ambitious Majapahit prime minister and regent from 1331 to 1364, extended the empire's rule to the surrounding islands. A few years after Gajah Madah's death, the Majapahit navy captured Palembang, putting an end to the Srivijayan kingdom. Although the Majapahit rulers extended their power over other islands and destroyed neighboring kingdoms, their focus seems to have been on controlling and gaining a larger share of the commercial trade that passed through the archipelago. About the time Majapahit was founded, Muslim traders and proselytizers began entering the area.

After peaking the 1300s, Majapahit power began to decline with a war over succession that started in 1401 and went on for four years. Majapahit found itself unable to control the rising power of the Sultanate of Malacca. Dates for the end of the Majapahit Empire range from 1478 to 1520. A large number of courtiers, artisans, priests, and members of the royalty moved east to the island of Bali at the end of Majapahit's existence.

The spread of Islam

· Main article: The spread of Islam in Indonesia

Islam was first established in Indonesia sometime during the 12th century and, through assimilation, supplanted Hinduism by the end of the 16th century in Java and Sumatra. Only Bali retained a Hindu majority. In the eastern archipelago, both Christian and Islamic missionaries were active in the 16th and 17th centuries, and, currently, there are large communities of both religions on these islands. The spread of Islam was driven by increasing trade links outside of the archipelago; in general, traders and the royalty of major kingdoms were the first to adopt the new religion. Dominant kingdoms included Mataram in Central Java, and the sultanates of Ternate and Tidore in the Maluku Islands to the east. Although it is known that the spread of Islam began in the west of the archipelago, the fragmentary evidence does not suggest a rolling wave of conversion through adjacent areas; rather, it suggests the process was complicated and slow.

Sultanate of Mataram

· Main article: Sultanate of Mataram

Sultanate of Mataram was the third Sultanate in Java. The first was Demak Bintoro and the second was Pajang. According to Javanese records, Kyai Gedhe Pamanahan became the ruler of the Mataram area some time within the in the 1570s with the support of the kingdom of Pajang to the east, near the current site of Surakarta (Solo). Pamanahan was often referred to as Kyai Gedhe Mataram after his ascension.

Pamanahan's son, Panembahan Senapati Ingalaga, replaced his father on the throne around 1584. Under Senapati the kingdom grew substantially through regular military campaigns against Mataram's neighbors. Shortly after his accession, for example, he conquered his father's patrons in Pajang.

The reign of Panembahan Seda ing Krapyak (c. 1601-1613), the son of Senapati, was dominated by further warfare, especially against powerful Surabaya, already a major center in East Java. The first contact between Mataram and the Dutch East India Company (VOC) occurred under Krapyak. Dutch activities at the time were limited to trading from limited coastal settlements, so their interactions with the inland Mataram kingdom were limited, although they did form an alliance against Surabaya in 1613. Krapyak died that year.

Krapyak was succeeded by his son, who is known simply as Sultan Agung ("Great Sultan") in Javanese records. Agung was responsible for the great expansion and lasting historical legacy of Mataram due to the extensive military conquests of his long reign from 1613 to 1646.

After years of war Agung finally conquered Surabaya. The city was taken not through outright military invasion, but instead because Agung surrounded it on land and sea, starving it into submission. With Surabaya brought into the empire, the Mataram kingdom encompassed all of central and eastern Java, and Madura; only in the west did Banten and the Dutch settlement in Batavia remain outside Agung's control. He tried repeatedly in the 1620s and 1630s to drive the Dutch from Batavia, but his armies had met their match, and he was forced to share control over Java.

In 1645 he began building Imogiri, his burial place, about fifteen kilometers south of Yogyakarta. Imogiri remains the resting place of most of the royalty of Yogyakarta and Surakarta to this day. Agung died in the spring of 1646, with his image of royal invincibility shattered by his losses to the Dutch, but he did leave behind an empire that covered most of Java and stretched to its neighboring islands.

Upon taking the throne, Agung's son Susuhunan Amangkurat I tried to bring long-term stability to Mataram's realm, murdering local leaders that were insufficiently deferential to him, and closing ports so he alone had control over trade with the Dutch.

By the mid-1670s dissatisfaction with the king fanned into open revolt, beginning at the margins and creeping inward. Raden Trunajaya, a prince from Madura, lead a revolt fortified by itinerant fighters from faraway Makassar that captured the king's court at Mataram in mid-1677. The king escaped to the north coast with his eldest son, the future king Amangkurat II, leaving his younger son Pangeran Puger in Mataram. Apparently more interested in profit and revenge than in running a struggling empire, the rebel Trunajaya looted the court and withdrew to his stronghold in East Java leaving Puger in control of a weak court.

Amangkurat I died just after his expulsion, making Amangkurat II king in 1677. He too was nearly helpless, though, having fled without an army or treasury to build one. In an attempt to regain his kingdom, he made substantial concessions to the Dutch, who then went to war to reinstate him. For the Dutch, a stable Mataram empire that was deeply indebted to them would help ensure continued trade on favorable terms. They were willing to lend their military might to keep the kingdom together. Dutch forces first captured Trunajaya, then forced Puger to recognize the sovereignty of his elder brother Amangkurat II.

Suharto's fall

2008-07-08T05:15:00.000-07:00

Student protests, forums, hunger strikes and rallies against the Suharto regime have spread to universities, colleges and educational institutions across Indonesia in recent weeks.

The demonstrations began among more privileged layers of students at the prestigious University of Indonesia during the sitting of the Peoples Consultative Assembly (MPR) in early March. That body rubber-stamped another five-year term for General Suharto as president.

But the political ferment has extended to encompass at least 100 universities, from the west of Sumatra to Bali, including major cities such as Jakarta, Yogyakarta, Bandung and Surabaya. Protests have ranged from small meetings to sizable demonstrations involving tens of thousands of students.

The unrest is being fueled by Indonesia's deepening economic, political and social crisis. The chief target of the protests is Suharto himself and the corruption and cronyism of his regime. Students are demanding Suharto's ousting, greater political freedoms, the release of arrested students and lower prices for basic commodities.

The regime has taken little action, as yet, against demonstrations that have remained on the university grounds. But where students have tried to leave the campuses and engage in street protests, the response by the army and police has been swift and brutal.

* On March 19 police and troops attacked a demonstration of about 5,000 from the University of Lampung in South Sumatra and surrounding universities and high schools. The assault came when students attempted to leave the campus. More than 100 students were injured, about 70 were arrested and a number of others remain unaccounted for.

Clashes continued the following day when truckloads of anti-riot troops blocked the path of students attempting to leave the campus and march to the city. When protesters surged forward, chanting, "One command, one action: overthrow Suharto!" and "Reform or death--Long live the people!" they were attacked with water cannon, batons and tear gas. Onlookers screamed at the military, as troops beat and arrested students.

* On March 25, security forces attacked a demonstration of about 1,000 students with tear gas, sticks and clubs in the central Javan city of Solo. The students had managed to enter the city's streets. At least 39 protesters from the March 11 University were injured, along with a number of police officers, and others are missing.

* The following day, about 2,000 students rallied on the campus of the IKIP Teachers Institute in the West Sumatra capital of Padang to protest the disappearance of nine fellow students in Solo and Lampung. The students lowered the Indonesian flag to half-mast and marched around the campus carrying banners, posters and a coffin draped in a black cloth.

Stepped-up repression

As the wave of student protests continues, the regime is carrying out a crackdown against opposition political groups. The Australian Broadcasting Corporation reported that scores of students and political activists arrested in recent weeks were being held incommunicado. A number of others have simply disappeared.

According to the civil rights group, Human Rights Watch, three students associated with the banned Peoples Democratic Party (PRD) have been repeatedly tortured with electric shocks after their arrest by the military on March 13. Andi Arief, head of the PRD's Students in Solidarity for Democracy in Indonesia, was arrested in Lampung on March 28 and his whereabouts is unknown to family members.

Two students, M. Khairil Syarif and Hamdani, were arrested on March 27 after taking part in a demonstration at the Raden Intan State Islamic Institute in Bandar Lampung. They were subjected to intensive police interrogation. Both are activists with opposition political groups--the Indonesian United Democratic Party (PUDI) and the Peoples Party for a Democratic Republic of Democracy (PRRD), respectively.

Human Rights Watch also reported that more than 140 people are under detention in Jakarta for engaging in peaceful protests against the Suharto regime. They include journalists, lawyers and activists with various opposition and human rights organizations.

At the same time that it steps up arrests, the Suharto regime is seeking discussions with sections of the student leadership. Two weeks ago armed forces chief General Wiranto opened the door for talks by describing the student demands as "normal" and pledging that the army would "respect their demands as long as they are constructive."

Student leaders from a number of major universities appear to have rejected a meeting with Wiranto scheduled for April 4, but have not ruled out talks with Suharto and his ministers. Time magazine recently reported that senior army officers had already held secret meetings in Jakarta with a group of intellectuals with links to student groups.

Anti-Suharto layers within the country's economic and political elite are also seeking support from student leaders. Last month, Amien Rais, head of the Islamic Muhammadiyah organization, attended a demonstration of 30,000 students at the University of Gajah Mada in Yogyakarta, which culminated with the burning of Suharto's statue. But when he told the protest that Suharto should be given another chance, he was booed by students who shouted "the masses will win, oppose Suharto."

Unemployment and poverty

What concerns all sections of the capitalist class--those backing Suharto, as well as those seeking to prepare an alternative regime--is the potential for the student protests to trigger a broader eruption of strikes and demonstrations by workers, small farmers and the urban and rural poor, all of whom are being devastated by the economic crisis.

Even according to the Suharto regime's grossly understated figures, unemployment has more than doubled since the beginning of the year to 8.7 million people. Another 18.4 million are classified as "underemployed"--that is, eking out a living on the basis of occasional, casual work. This means that the 30 percent of the work force has insufficient work to adequately feed, house and clothe themselves.

Indonesian Manpower Minister Theo Sambuaga announced at the end of March there would be no increase in the minimum wage for workers, even though the official inflation rate for the first three months of the year was more than 25 percent. Prices for some items such as basic medicines have doubled and trebled.

The current minimum wage for Jakarta is 172,500 rupiah a month, worth US$22, and less in most rural areas. Even prior to the collapse of the rupiah, it was calculated that the minimum wage--then worth $65--covered only 92 percent of the cost of basic needs, such as rice. The same wage, which last year bought 6.2 kilos of rice, buys just 4.7 kilos today despite food subsidies, and much less of other basics such as cooking oil and noodles, according to a recent study by the International Labor Organization (ILO).

The ILO study estimated there are 10 million new poor in Indonesia as a result of the economic crisis, increasing the numbers in poverty from 22.5 million in 1996 to 32.5 million in 1998.

In many rural areas, the impact of the economic collapse has been compounded by a severe drought caused by the El Niño weather pattern. A recent UN study warned that as many as 7.5 million people were at risk of suffering food shortages, and that 500,000 tons of rice a month would have to be imported.

Other estimates are worse. The British aid agency Oxfam warned that the level of poverty could increase four-fold this year. It reported that in West Timor, 75 percent of families are down to one meal a day, which frequently consists of putak, the bark of a tree normally used as cattle feed. Australian aid workers returning from East Timor reported that 85 people had already died from starvation in the village of Fefudin alone.

Civil Islam: Muslims and Democratization in Indonesia

2008-07-08T05:14:00.000-07:00

Civil Islamtells the story of Islam and democratization in Indonesia, the world's largest Muslim nation. Challenging stereotypes of Islam as antagonistic to democracy, this study of courage and reformation in the face of state terror suggests possibilities for democracy in the Muslim world and beyond. Democratic in the early 1950s and with rich precedents for tolerance and civility, Indonesia succumbed to violence. In 1965, Muslim parties were drawn into the slaughter of half a million communists. In the aftermath of this bloodshed, a "New Order" regime came to power, suppressing democratic forces and instituting dictatorial controls that held for decades. Yet from this maelstrom of violence, repressed by the state and denounced by conservative Muslims, an Islamic democracy movement emerged, strengthened, and played a central role in the 1998 overthrow of the Soeharto regime. In 1999, Muslim leader Abdurrahman Wahid was elected President of a reformist, civilian government. In explaining how this achievement was possible, Robert Hefner emphasizes the importance of civil institutions and public civility, but argues that neither democracy nor civil society is possible without a civilized state. Against portrayals of Islam as inherently antipluralist and undemocratic, he shows that Indonesia's Islamic reform movement repudiated the goal of an Islamic state, mobilized religiously ecumenical support, promoted women's rights, and championed democratic ideals. This broadly interdisciplinary and timely work heightens our awareness of democracy's necessary pluralism, and places Indonesia at the center of our efforts to understand what makes democracy work.

Can Indonesia sue the Netherlands for history?

2008-07-08T04:52:00.000-07:00

JAKARTA, 14 May 2002 - Major celebrations are underway in the Netherlands to commemorate the Dutch East India Company's (VOC) 400th anniversary this year. This commemoration is especially targeted at Holland's younger generation, to instill a sense of pride in their history. However, nations that have suffered under colonialism, such as Indonesia, would surely have a different perspective on the VOC, the trading company with political and military power.
The Indonesian Embassy in the Hague and Maluku descendants there have expressed a strong reaction. Indonesia's State Minister of National Development Planning Kwik Kian Gie even made a strongly-worded speech at a recent VOC 400th anniversary commemoration at the Hague, with Queen Beatrix in attendance. A non governmental organization called the National Committee for the Indonesian Nation's Dignity went to the Dutch Embassy in Jakarta on March 20, 2002.
They demanded that the Netherlands apologize for the oppression and severe human rights violations committed against Indonesians, especially after Indonesia's declaration of independence on Aug. 17, 1945; to cancel all our debt owed to the Netherlands and Dutch institutions; and to compensate for Indonesia's drained assets and the massacre of hundreds of thousands of Indonesians. Merely protesting the celebration of the VOC is easy.
In the case of a legal suit, however, careful preparation would be needed. For instance, the above Committee cites that "VOC's establishment in 1602 marked the beginning of an inhumane and unjust oppression by the Dutch. It delivered riches and a golden age to the Dutch, but brought poverty, misery and death to the Indonesians." Moreover, "none of the serious human rights violations committed by the Dutch have ever been investigated by an international tribunal." The criteria and data on the wealth and poverty brought about by the Dutch must be supported by comprehensive and accurate figures. There should also be a clear standard and evidence of the heavy violence and violations committed by Dutch soldiers.
According to the scholar Henk Schulte Nordholt, there were two waves of violence during the colonial era. The first occurred during the latter half of the 17th century, when the VOC established a trade monopoly by conquering strategic regions such as Malaka, Makassar and Banten. The second happened during the Dutch East India administration, thanks to expansion by the colonial army (1871-1910), which claimed some 125,000 lives. Obviously, the evidence and surviving witnesses of all these cases have grown extremely scarce. If there is any relevant incident that may warrant a lawsuit, that would be the case of Capt. Raymond Westerling, who allegedly caused the death of 15,000 to 40,000 people in South Sulawesi. A review of the victim count is still possible. The father of senior historian Anhar Gonggong was among those killed.
An interesting item would be the report made by a Dutch historian, Jan Bank. Entitled De Excessennota (1995), it was written under the supervision of an inter-departmental commission (the Netherlands' Departments of Defense, Home Affairs, Justice, Foreign Affairs, Education and Science). The report, as quoted from Mestika Zed's book published this year, presents the "excesses" related to the thousands of war crimes committed by Dutch civil and military officers between 1946 and 1950. All kinds of violations are listed, from neglect of professional responsibility, abuse of military authority, threats of violence, pillage, rape, break-in of people's homes, torture and murder.
The war crimes took place in different locations in Indonesia, and the report is backed by archival sources. The rape case of a woman arrested by two members of the Dutch military intelligence (NEFIS) in Lubuk Alung, West Sumatra on May 28, 1948 was taken from a report to the NEFIS Director in Batavia dated June 2, 1948. Also included are 15 thick bundles of clippings, containing daily news and bulletins, including those from the Netherlands' official news agency Algemene Nederlands Persbureau. Let us compare the above case to the lawsuit filed in the United States over the past slavery of African-Americans. On March 26, 2002, Deadria Farmer-Paellmann, an attorney, entered a lawsuit at the federal court of Brooklyn, New York. The 36-year-old African-American woman demands a compensation of US$1.4 trillion from three major companies: Aetna Life Insurance, the train operator CSX and Fleet Boston Financial Corp.
Between 1790 and 1860 (slavery was not officially eliminated in the U.S. until 1865), the U.S. economy benefited by $40 million thanks to the eight million unpaid workers. The present value of such an amount is $1.4 trillion. The three companies are deemed to have caused suffering for hundreds of thousands of African-Americans hundreds of years ago. Aetna is accused of selling life insurance for slaves to their masters. Farmer-Paellmann managed to collect 1,852 such insurance policies. CSX employed the slaves for their railway construction, while Fleet Boston financed the project.
Farmer-Paellmann, a graduate from the New England School of Law, conducted a five-year research for this case. Aetna insists that the event took place hundreds of years ago, and as such would be difficult to be brought to trial. Its board of directors claim that they are not responsible since the corporate structure underwent changes in 1980. Moreover, they have previously issued an apology and contributed $36 million to the African-American community. It will not be easy to win this lawsuit, since the African-Americans' genealogies are hard to trace. Should this lawsuit be successful, however, the compensation would be used to improve educational and health facilities for African-Americans.
Clearly demands of responsibility from the Dutch -- through the mere collection of signatures -- pales in comparison to the efforts of the above attorney. Has any data been collected about the victims from Indonesia's side? The conclusions here are that first, history, which used to be linked to sociology, anthropology, psychology and literature, now touches the areas of law and justice. Second, the history of a nation or commemoration of a historical event can no longer escape foreign scrutiny. A country can no longer write her own history as she sees fit, as in the case of Japan vs. China and South Korea.
Thirdly, a human rights perspective should be incorporated into the curriculum of history. Demands for apology from the Dutch can be made, of course, but the extent of its benefit for Indonesians needs to be questioned. A total debt write-off would surely be impossible. However the claim of compensation is feasible. Concerned with human rights, the Dutch government would not object to paying the compensation. This year it has provided an assistance of $6,000 for every Jewish Dutch who was a victim of the Holocaust.
It is legitimate for Indonesia's NGOs to file a lawsuit against the Dutch government. However, maybe 10 years from now, there might be a similar lawsuit from Dili, the capital of East Timor. The Indonesian government would be requested to pay war reparations, and a few generals who so far have eluded trial would be charged for serious human right violations in that new state, in an international tribunal.

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2008-07-04T08:42:00.004-07:00